Most voters in the Fourth Legislative District–which encompasses all of Evanston as well as bits of Wilmette and Rogers Park–are anti-gun, prochoice, clean-up-the-environment, spend-more-for-education liberals (or progressives, as they call themselves these days). They may not realize it at the moment–distracted, no doubt, by higher-profile campaigns–but with Tuesday’s contest for state representative, these Evanston voters can help to chart the course of liberal politics for the coming decade.
The irony is that Evanston used to be a bastion of Republican politics. That was in the 1950s, when the handful of blacks and Jews who lived there were the only Democrats. All of that changed with the growth of the suburb’s black community and the influx of middle-class home owners, many of them liberals, on the run from Chicago’s public schools. By 1972, Evanston was so liberal the majority of its residents voted for George McGovern.
Best of Chicago voting is live now. Vote for your favorites »
“I like gathering information and using it,” says Baum. “I remember helping Ab prepare for a debate against [his opponent] John Porter. I gathered everything there is to know about Porter’s record and then put it together in a big, fat book with tabs so you could find each subject. At the debate there was a question about collective bargaining, and Porter said he was for it. Ab was able to turn to the appropriate chapter in my book, and say, ‘Oh yes, well, then why didn’t you vote for it?’
Her first full-time organizing job was with the Illinois Public Action Council, a not-for-profit statewide coalition of utility and consumer activists (her husband Robert Creamer is the group’s executive director). She led efforts against utility rate hikes and against cuts in state spending for education, mental health, and general assistance. In 1985, she became executive director of the Illinois State Council of Senior Citizens, a not-for-profit lobbying organization.
Schakowsky dismisses Baum’s criticism. “I resent the implication that I am somehow less progressive or courageous than Jonathan,” says Schakowsky. “I would love to be the Democrat asked to go on TV and debate Phyllis Schlafly or other conservatives on abortion rights or whatever. The difference between Jonathan and me is that I know how to organize coalitions. Let’s say we’re talking about gun control. I can call on farmers in Madison County or seniors in Rock Island or church people in Peoria and say, ‘Get on the horn and call your legislators.’ We don’t want someone who will just argue the Evanston point of view; we want someone who can organize, lobby, and build widespread support.”
Both Baum and Schakowsky supported Norwood in 1989. Norwood supports Schakowsky, but Edna Summers–a longtime leader in Evanston’s black community–supports Baum. Blacks comprise roughly 20 percent of the district’s electorate; their votes could determine the outcome.
